Agricultural workers made up the
greater part of the working population of eighteenth-century England. They were
employed in seasonal tasks, remunerated at different rates (sometimes cash and
sometimes in kind) or engaged in other intermittent, casual labour. Incomes
might be supplemented by the cultivation of a cottage garden or the exercise of
common rights in gleaning and fuel gathering and, when these methods failed,
recourse could be made to relief from the parish on a casual basis. It has been
estimated that in any five-year period one in five of the inhabitants of a
parish would apply for relief, although there were likely to have been huge
parochial differences across the country.[1]
Table 1 below shows the average
daily wage rate for an agricultural worker and the relative purchasing power
that provided during the first half of the eighteenth century. Workers on a low wage found that their
disposable income rose above that of mere subsistence for much of the period
1730 - 1750 and until 1750 there was a corresponding decline or evening out in
the incidence of need for parish relief.
Table 1: Daily wage rates
of agricultural workers in pence.[2]
Period
|
Daily Wage Rate
|
Purchasing power (%)
|
1710-1719
|
11.29
|
98
|
1720-1729
|
11.13
|
100
|
1730-1739
|
11.64
|
112
|
1740-1749
|
12.07
|
113
|
By the mid-eighteenth century the
average income of agricultural workers and labourers had improved and population
levels were stable, nevertheless, the country experienced an increase in the
cost of poor relief. One explanation is that more efficient farming and
industrial work practices broke the connection between population growth and
subsistence. While national incomes rose more rapidly than the population, the
benefits were not distributed equally when fewer labourers were needed to
undertake that work.[3]
Poor relief expenditure is a useful
indicator of the seasonal trends in the economic situation facing the poor and additional
disbursements provide evidence of any acute seasonal patterns. Table 2 below demonstrates
seasonal payments for relief over two separate years for Thames Ditton. Lower
payments appear during the summer 1726, while spring levels remaining high
following the winter months. However, as the result of a particularly poor
harvest in 1740 there was no seasonal dip in the September payments that year.[4]
Table 2: Seasonal variations in
relief
Month
|
Monthly pension
|
Extra disbursements
|
April 1726
|
£9 2s
|
£7
|
September 1726
|
£6 12s
|
£1 15s
|
January 1727
|
£8
|
£6 9s
|
April 1740
|
£11 14s
|
£6 12s
|
September 1740
|
£11 16s
|
£0 14s
|
January 1741
|
£13 4s
|
£3 11s 10d
|
There is relatively little
difference in the cost of the poor to the parish of Thames Ditton in 1725 and
1760 (Tables 3 and 4 below). Overseers’ accounts for April 1726 record
twenty-five residents (many of them widows and other women) of the parish
receiving weekly pensions of 1s 6d per week, one-off payments to four ‘poor
persons’, and a payment of 10 shillings per week to ‘old Archer’ for taking
care of six boys. Men with a wife and/or children received a higher level of relief
(Table 3). In April 1760 over thirty persons received weekly pensions of
similar amounts as thirty years earlier, while a further fifteen people were recipients
of individual payments for such things as the payment of rent, care of a child,
or the purchase of shoes or clothing (Table 4).
Table 3: The Parish
Book of Thames Ditton - Containing the weekly and extraordinary disbursements
from the Parishoners for the Poor of the Parish.
At a Vestry held the 3rd day of April 1726 It is
agreed on to allow the following Indigent persons for one month to come:
£
|
s
|
d
|
Extra
disbursements 3rd April 1726
|
£
|
s
|
d
|
|
Widow Martin
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
Old Archer for taking
care of the boys in the Gallery 1/2 yr
|
0
|
10
|
0
|
Widow White
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
Thomas Cockman’s wife last
month Husband being gone off
|
0
|
19
|
0
|
Widow Beckington
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
2 shifts to Ann Seamour
|
0
|
2
|
0
|
Susan Kember
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
George Manders for keeping
the parish accounts a year due at Ladyday
|
1
|
0
|
0
|
Charles Meaching
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
Old Wicks rent a year due
at Ladyday
|
1
|
15
|
0
|
James Everitt
|
0
|
3
|
0
|
Tho Cockmans wife this
month 5s per week
|
1
|
0
|
0
|
Widow Cook
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
Expenses going to Esteed
enquire after Sarah Shoorleys husband
|
0
|
2
|
9
|
Widow Millis
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
Law and Expense at Quarter
Sessions for Sarah Shoorley, Stephen Hook and Charles Griffin,
|
3
|
4
|
0
|
Edward Chitty jnr
|
0
|
2
|
0
|
Church Wardens for 1724/25
|
15
|
12
|
0
|
Widow Lod
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
Expenses at Easter choosing
the officers for the year
|
0
|
8
|
0
|
Ed Chitty snr
|
0
|
2
|
0
|
24
|
12
|
9
|
|
John Wells & his wife
|
0
|
2
|
6
|
||||
Widow Ginings
|
0
|
1
|
0
|
||||
Widow Hurch
|
0
|
4
|
0
|
||||
Ann Williams
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
||||
Widow Freeland
|
0
|
2
|
0
|
||||
Elizabeth Buchel
|
0
|
2
|
0
|
||||
Thomas Bastard
|
0
|
2
|
6
|
||||
Ann Seamour
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
||||
Elizabeth Seamour
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
||||
Two Seamour children
|
0
|
4
|
0
|
||||
Thomas Leonard
|
0
|
2
|
6
|
||||
Sarah Shoorley
|
0
|
1
|
6
|
||||
2
|
5
|
0
|
|||||
4 weeks
|
9
|
2
|
0
|
Table 4: April 6th 1760
weekly pay.
£
|
s
|
d
|
Extra Disbursements
|
£
|
s
|
d
|
|
Elizabeth Bonick
|
2
|
3
|
Francis Smithers
|
4
|
0
|
||
Ann Roberds
|
1
|
6
|
Expenses at vestry choosing
officers
|
10
|
6
|
||
Widow Rust
|
1
|
6
|
2 poor women with child
|
1
|
0
|
||
Turners girl
|
1
|
0
|
Henry Kendale
|
7
|
0
|
||
Joseph Carpenter
|
2
|
0
|
John Perkins’ wife
|
2
|
0
|
||
Widow Rosse & children
|
4
|
0
|
Thomas Smith
|
4
|
0
|
||
Butlers boy
|
2
|
0
|
Isabella Walker
|
4
|
0
|
||
Dollett’s children
|
2
|
0
|
William Davie for Joseph
Carpenter lodging 24 weeks
|
18
|
0
|
||
Elizabeth Bushell’s girl
|
1
|
6
|
Richard Reading pair shoes for
Chapman’s boy
|
2
|
8
|
||
John Kimber & wife
|
2
|
0
|
James Howard for Rodgers’
girl
|
12
|
0
|
||
John Purton
|
1
|
6
|
Expense getting a Militia
|
15
|
6
|
||
Widow Westbrook
|
2
|
0
|
Mr Edmonds bill
|
2
|
0
|
||
Lanes child
|
1
|
6
|
Mr Dean a bill
|
1
|
9
|
||
Chapman family
|
4
|
0
|
Henry Turner 2 weeks for his
girl
|
2
|
0
|
||
Widow Monger
|
3
|
6
|
Mr Chandler hat for Hait's
girl
|
1
|
0
|
||
Sarah Redavich
|
2
|
0
|
William Cockman keeping
Parish Accounts for 1 year, writing books and copies
|
2
|
0
|
0
|
|
Widow White
|
1
|
0
|
and for making the account
|
2
|
6
|
||
Elizabeth Bushell snr
|
1
|
0
|
Merchant for Turner’s girl
|
3
|
0
|
||
Widow Dolley
|
2
|
0
|
William Stanley
|
4
|
0
|
||
Worhham Daniel
|
4
|
0
|
Joseph King for Hannah Hart
|
5
|
0
|
||
John Stokes
|
1
|
6
|
Mr Holland for a coffin for
Robards’ child
|
2
|
6
|
||
Richard Wesson
|
1
|
6
|
Mr Hewitt concerning the
bells
|
7
|
9
|
||
Adams Family
|
3
|
0
|
Mr Chandler concerning
rates uncollected
|
8
|
0
|
||
Widow Foster
|
2
|
0
|
persons overcharged and
empty houses
|
7
|
17
|
5
|
|
Old Sampson
|
2
|
0
|
Joseph Stoaks - expenses to
the Jury for Stars girl drowned
|
5
|
0
|
||
Widow Martin
|
1
|
6
|
Expenses making overseers
accts
|
10
|
6
|
||
Rust’s girl
|
1
|
0
|
signing this account
|
2
|
0
|
||
John Sterck
|
1
|
6
|
Tho Simmonds Church Wardens
accounts
|
4
|
10
|
7
|
|
Thomas Westfield
|
2
|
0
|
James Stokes Church Wardens
accounts
|
8
|
27
|
11
|
|
2
|
18
|
0
|
30
|
3
|
7
|
||
2 weeks
|
5
|
16
|
0
|
||||
Prior to the establishment of the
workhouse the adult poor relied on family or neighbours to accommodate them,
particularly during a period of illness or injury, for which a parish might
make casual payments by way of rent or payment of medical bills. In 1740 a man
by the name of Gregory lodged with the Rust family for over 10 weeks the parish
paid for both his rent and an additional sum to the family for looking after
him. The Rust family were themselves living close to the poverty line as the
name of Rust is not found amongst the names of the parish ratepayers at the time
and a payment of £1 9s 9d was made for Rust’s wife when ‘laying in’ in 1745. By
April 1750 the family were in receipt of a weekly pension of 3s 6d and in
October of the same year Elizabeth Rust, a child of the family, was one of the
children found residing at Mr Keel’s poorhouse for children.
Even after the workhouse opened in
Thames Ditton (1760) payments continued to be made by way of outdoor relief (Table
5). Payments to un-named poor persons most likely concern transient paupers,
not residents of the parish. Widow Dolley, John Kimber and Joseph Carpenter had
been in receipt of a weekly pension of 2 shillings each in July 1760 and Thomas Goose,
Peg Star, Stockers and Peacock had each been in receipt of exceptional payments
on a number of earlier occasions, either on their own behalf or that of their
children. The records for Thames Ditton demonstrate that outdoor relief
continued in conjunction with indoor relief throughout the period under
consideration.
Table 5: Disbursements May 1761.
£
|
s
|
d
|
||
Mr Dean for Stockers
|
1
|
1
|
0
|
|
Expenses said Dolley
|
4
|
0
|
||
Paid to John Simmonds*
|
11
|
0
|
||
To a poor man
|
1
|
0
|
||
July
|
To a poor woman
|
6
|
||
Nov
|
To a poor woman
|
6
|
||
Dec
|
Pegg Starr or Peacock
|
2
|
2
|
0
|
To a poor woman
|
6
|
|||
Elizabeth Wicks
|
6
|
6
|
||
Jan
|
Thomas Goose
|
1
|
0
|
|
To a poor woman
|
6
|
|||
April
|
Thomas Noyce shoes for John Kimber
|
5
|
0
|
|
William Davie 10 weeks for Joseph Carpenter
|
7
|
6
|
* This is likely to refer to a business expense.
Slack considered that ‘...
workhouses could not achieve even partial success, once population, prices and
unemployment, especially rural unemployment, started rising again after 1760.’[5] Payments
for relief of the poor in 1774 exceeded £255 and included payments of outdoor
relief to nine poor inhabitants, fourteen poor persons, and a pension for 18weeks
at 6d per week to Elizabeth Newman. By 1785 annual costs had risen to £380 and
included the payment of weekly pensions to at least ten people living outside
the workhouse or being kept by other parishes. Other payments were made to
‘persons in distress’, for shoes, a shovel and other sundry casual payments. Either
the parish vestry were taking a lenient attitude to those claiming casual
relief or, as is more likely, the workhouse was unable to provide for the
rising number of people in need of relief.
Surrey History Centre, Woking
(SHCW) 2568/8/1-4 Overseers’ accounts
1704-1808.
In my next blog I will consider the
place of the workhouse in the relief of the poor.
If you have enjoyed reading this blog, please follow me using the link on right-hand panel.
[1]
Brundage, Anthony, (2002) The English Poor Laws, 1700 – 1930, Hampshire:
Palgrave, p. 15.
[2] Thirsk,
Joan (editor) (1985) The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. V (II)
1640-1750,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 877-879.
[3] Grigg,
D.B. (1980) ‘Population growth and agrarian change: An historical
perspective’, Cambridge:
Cambridge
University Press, p.163.
[4] Thirsk, The
Agrarian History, p. 46.
[5] Slack,
P. (1990) The English poor law, 1531-1782, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, p. 35.
No comments:
Post a Comment